In the proposed research, we will focus on the development and transformation of the Philistine culture during the Iron Age. Apparently originating from either the Aegean area, western and southern Anatolia and/or southeastern Europe (or the combination of several of these along with local elements), the Philistines arrived in the southern Levant during the transition between the Late Bronze Age and the Iron Age (see, e.g., Dothan 1982; 2000; Barako 2000; Killebrew 2000; cf. Bauer 1998; Sherratt 1998; Drews 1998). Although upon their arrival they exhibited a predominantly foreign culture (with many Aegean traits), over a period of approximately 600 years, they went through a long process of transformation, in which they slowly lost many of their original foreign qualities. Although in the past it has been assumed that this could be understood as a process of assimilation (e.g. Bunimovitz 1990), in recent years, it has been argued that in fact this should be seen as a process of acculturation (e.g. Stone 1995). In other words, although the Philistine culture evolved and lost many of its original foreign traits, the Philistines nevertheless chose to retain a unique a differentiable culture, in which significant cultural attributes were preserved. Despite the fact that there is much validity to understanding this as a process of acculturation, we believe that a comprehensive study of the Philistine culture can in fact lead one to suggest that this long process of change is better seen as a process of “creolization” (Maeir In press A; cf. Webster 2001). This term, borrowed from the field of linguistics, is the process (or processes) in which a language changes due to contact with other, often dominant, languages. We suggest that an integrated study of the archaeological, historical, epigraphic and other data, may very well offer important and fresh insights on underlying mechanisms behind this fascinating cultural transformation.

In the proposed research we intend to study the archaeological and historical correlates of the Philistine cultural transformation. This will be based on the various available archaeological and historical data, but in particular on the archaeological evidence from the site of Tell es-Safi/Gath.

The excavations at Tell es-Safi:  Tell es-Safi is a large mound that is situated in northeastern Philistia, on the border between the Coastal Plain and the Shephelah, approximately half-way between Ashkelon and Beth Shemesh. The site was occupied almost continuously from the Chalcolithic period until the late Modern period, and recent surveys indicate that it is one of the largest mounds in Israel (c. 45 hectare). Although it was briefly excavated at the end of the 19th century (Bliss & Macalister 1902; for a brief summary, see Stern 1993), very little archaeological work was conducted at the site during in the 20^th century (save for limited surveys [Aharoni & Amiran 1955; Israel 1963] and illicit excavations [Ornan 1986]). Only recently, with the commencement of a long-term excavation project, has the comprehensive study of this important site begun (Boas & Maeir 1998; Boas & Maeir in Press.; Boas, Maeir & Schneider 1998; Maeir 2001; 2003; in press a; in press b; in press c; in press d; in press e; in press f; Maeir & Boas 1998; 1999; Maeir and Ehrlich 2000; 2001). While the overall project aims to encompass a wide range of periods, one of the principal aims of this project is the study of the Iron Age.

The Iron Age remains at T. es-Safi:  The currently accepted identification of the site during the Iron Age is “Gath of the Philistines” (see Rainey 1975; Singer 1993; Schniedewind 1998; Maeir and Ehrlich 2001; pace Stager 1995: 343). According to the biblical text, Gath was one of the prime cities of the Philistine political structure, from the initial Philistine settlement (ca. 12^th cent. BCE) up until the late 8^th cent. BCE (Rainey 1975; Schniedewind 1998; Machinist 2000: 58, see though Naveh 1998; 1999; Finkelstein 2002 for a different perspective). It is believed that during the Iron Age IIa, Gath was the primus inter pares of the Philistine Pentapolis, the five central cities (e.g. Rainey 1975: 7*; Machinist 2000: 58). It can be assumed that the pivotal role that Gath plays in the biblical narrative on the Philistine/Judean inter-relationship, is due to its proximity to the border with Judah.

The archaeological evidence from the site (both from the earlier work and from the initial stages of the present project) appears to support this identification. The recent survey of the site indicates that the site is much larger than originally suggested (ca. 45 hectare as opposed to 15 hectare), and that a large portion of this area was settled during the Iron Age. This includes a large, only recently identified, lower-city, situated to the north of the main tell. Virtually all the stages of the Iron Age I Philistine material culture have been identified (from Myc IIIC through the various phases of the decorated Philistine pottery; in general, see T. Dothan 1982). This intensive occupation continued until the end of the 8^th cent. BCE, while from the final stage of the Iron Age (7^th-6^th cent. BCE), the evidence is much less predominant. In the first six seasons of excavations (1997-2002) clear evidence for the Iron Age has emerged. In the primary areas of excavations on the tell (Areas A & E), situated on the eastern side of the mound, a relatively extensive area was excavated (c. 2000 m²). It is here that stratified Iron Age remains were exposed mere inches below the surface. Surprisingly, the remains are very well preserved. Levels representing the Iron Age IIB (8^th cent. BCE - temporary Stratum 3), IIA (9^th-10^th cent. BCE - temporary strata 4-5) , as well as Iron Age IB (11^th cent. BCE - temporary stratum 6) and IA (12^th cent. BCE - temporary strata 7-8) have been revealed. Of particular importance are the remains of the well-preserved Temporary Stratum 4, destroyed in an all-encompassing fire, in which an extremely rich archaeological assemblage was found. This included more than 400 complete or restorable ceramic vessels of all classes, such as cooking, serving, storage, cultic and imported vessels. Along with the ceramics, a wide range of bone, ivory, metal, faience and other objects were found, as well a plethora of physical anthropological, archaeobotanical and archaeozoological remains. Noteworthy are the many carbonized organic remains, including many short-lived samples (olive pits, grape pips, etc.), which can serve as excellent samples for C¹⁴ analyses. Based on the typological analysis of this assemblage, it appears to represent the late Iron Age IIA - just the cultural phase that is so poorly represented (or lacking altogether) at various adjacent sites. Likewise, it appears to bridge the gap (or at least large parts of it) between the unique Iron Age I Philistine material culture and that of the later Iron Age II assemblages from other sites in Philistia. On the one hand, clear similarities and morphological and decorative continuity of the Iron I pottery traditions can be seen. On the other hand, various elements that appear to be forerunners of later Iron Age IIB styles appear. There is significant typological similarity with the pottery from Ashdod X-IX (e.g. Dothan & Porath 1982: figs. 7-11; but see Finkelstein and Singer-Avitz 2001; Ben-Shlomo 2003), Kuntillet ‘Ajrud (Ayalon 1995), as well as to the limited material from Lachish V-IV (Zimhoni 1997), Miqne III (Gitin 1995; 1998), Batash (Mazar and Panitz-Cohen 2001) and Beth Shemesh (Bunimovitz and Lederman 2001). An additional point worth mentioning is that this pottery assemblage, though predominantly "coastal", does contain distinct "inland" elements as well. Based on the site survey, this level is well represented at other parts of the site as well. Although at present, the historical background of this destruction cannot be proven without doubt, possible scenarios can include: Hazael’s campaign to the Philistia (II Kings 12: 17 - see Na’aman 2002; Maeir in press f), an explanation that seems to be quite solid, or less likely, the conquest of Gath by Uzziah (II Chron 26: 6). Stratigraphically, the destruction level is "sandwiched" between earlier and later levels. Below it there is an additional Iron Age IIA level (Temporary Stratum 5) which also contains typical Iron Age IIA finds, while above it there are late 8^th cent. BCE finds. As stated above, these levels provide almost the entire sequence of the development of the Philistine culture (save for the 7^th cent. BCE). In addition, the stratigraphic sequence in which the 10^th-9^th century remains are both predominant and clearly delineated, and is currently unparalleled at other sites in this region.

All told, the presently available evidence from the site demonstrates a rich stratigraphic continuity from the final stages of the Late Bronze Age (ca. 13^th cent. BCE) until the penultimate stages of the Iron Age. This rich continuum of the material culture of the Philistines (and in particular, the middle phase of the Philistine culture), is lacking, poorly represented, and/or insufficiently published at other Philistine sites. This continuum (both the finds that have already been exposed, as well as those that will be excavated in the coming seasons) is an excellent source of data for the study of the developmental dynamics of the Philistine culture.

The Philistine language:  Very little is known about the Philistine language, let alone its development and transformation. Based on the current knowledge it appears that at least some of the Sea Peoples/Philistines brought with them a non-local language, most probably of Indo-European origin. Hints of non-Semitic vocabulary and onomastics (e.g., Sapir 1936; Ben-Dov 1976), as well as several enigmatic inscriptions (Franken 1964; Dothan and Dothan 1992: 153, pls. 10-11), argue to this effect (for recent summaries, see, e.g., Singer 1994: 335-337); Machinist 2000: 63-4). On the other hand, evidence from the Iron Age IIB demonstrates that at some stage during the Iron Age, the Philistines started using one of the branches (either Phoenician or Hebrew) of the local Canaanite language and script, eventually virtually replacing (or at least overshadowing) the earlier, non-Semitic linguistic traditions. So much so, that the non-Semitic linguistic antecedents are but vaguely hinted to in the Philistine inscriptions of the end of the Iron Age (e.g., Kempinski 1986; Naveh 1985; Gitin et al. 1998; Demsky 1997; Schäfer-Lichtenberger 2000). The evidence of the full sequence of the language(s) and script(s) in use in Philistia during the Iron Age is wanting. As noted regarding other classes of material culture, little or no evidence on the development of the Philistine language during the “middle stages” is available (save perhaps for the somewhat dubious “Revadim Seal” – Sass 1983). In this light, the slowly expanding, if still limited, corpus of inscriptions from Iron Age IIA levels at Tell es-Safi can contribute important new insights. From what is currently available it is evident that by the late 9th cent. BCE (Temporary Stratum 4, the West Semitic alphabet  script was in use. This includes a short 3-4 letter post-firing, incised inscription, found on the body of storage jar (Fig. 17: 6), which has preliminarily been read as rpa’. This reading is reminiscent of the connection in the biblical narrative between the Rephaim and the Philistines in general, and the association of the enigmatic yldy hrph (roughly, “the offsprings of the rph) to several figures originating from the city of Gath (e.g. II Sam 21: 16-22).